Arde #Iguala por el caso de los estudiantes de #Ayot­zi­na­pa y manifestantes piden la renuncia del gobernador.

foto iguala

Maes­tros de la CE­TEG y nor­ma­lis­tas de Ayot­zi­na­pa in­cen­dia­ron la al­cal­día de Igua­la, y sa­quea­ron la pla­za co­mer­cial Ga­le­rías Ta­ma­rin­dos, pro­pie­dad del exe­dil, Jo­sé Luis Abar­ca Ve­láz­quez.

Los ma­ni­fes­tan­tes tam­bién cau­sa­ron des­tro­zos en el hos­pi­tal Cris­ti­na, don­de el pa­sa­do 26 de sep­tiem­bre, les ne­ga­ron aten­ción me­di­ca a los es­tu­dian­tes nor­ma­lis­tas cuan­do se per­pe­tuo el se­gun­do ata­que de po­li­cías a los es­tu­dian­tes.

Du­ran­te los des­tro­zos, in­cen­dio y sa­queo al pa­la­cio mu­ni­ci­pal, no hu­bo pre­sen­cia de la Po­li­cía Fe­de­ral ni de los ele­men­tos de la Gen­dar­me­ria.

El con­tin­gen­te de unos ocho mil maes­tros ce­te­gis­tas, nor­ma­lis­tas y or­ga­ni­za­cio­nes so­cia­les, par­tió de la Cen­tral de Abas­tos don­de con­ti­núo por la ca­rre­te­ra Igua­la- Tax­co, ha­cia el cen­tro de la ciu­dad y era en­ca­be­za­do por una va­lla hu­ma­na de hom­bres cu­bier­tos de la ca­ra con pa­los y tu­bos me­tá­li­cos en la ma­no.

Du­ran­te la mo­vi­li­za­ción, los mar­chis­tas gri­ta­ron con­sig­nas en con­tra de los tres ni­ve­les de go­bier­no y exi­gie­ron la pre­sen­ta­ción con vi­da de los 43 nor­ma­lis­tas de­sa­pa­re­ci­dos, mien­tras ca­mi­na­ban, ciu­da­da­nos igual­te­cos les ofre­cían bo­te­llas y bol­sas de agua in­clu­so te­nían car­tu­li­nas en apo­yo a su mo­vi­mien­to.

Al lle­gar fren­te a las ins­ta­la­cio­nes de fuer­zas es­pe­cia­les del Ejer­ci­to Me­xi­ca­no, los pro­tes­tan­tes, les gri­ta­ron: “co­bar­des por­que no sa­lie­ron a de­fen­der a los es­tu­dian­tes cuan­do fue el ata­que”.

Al con­ti­nuar con su re­co­rri­do, el con­tin­gen­te in­ter­cep­to a tres po­li­cías fe­de­ra­les y mi­nis­te­ria­les ves­ti­dos co­mo ci­vi­les a los cua­les les qui­ta­ron los za­pa­tos y los hi­cie­ron acom­pa­ñar­los du­ran­te la mar­cha que dio vuel­ta en la ave­ni­da Vi­cen­te gue­rre­ro has­ta la pla­za cí­vi­ca de la s Tres Ga­ran­tías.

Ahí fren­te al pa­la­cio mu­ni­ci­pal, la va­lla hu­ma­na con­for­ma­da por los hom­bres en­ca­pu­cha­dos con pa­los y tu­bos me­tá­li­cos, hi­cie­ron una cuen­ta re­gre­si­va y se se­pa­ra­ron del con­tin­gen­te pa­ra em­pe­zar a ata­car con pie­dras , pa­los y tu­bos el edi­fi­cio de go­bier­no.

Los hom­bres se se­pa­ra­ran en gru­pos don­de ata­ca­ron y sa­quea­ron el pa­la­cio mu­ni­ci­pal don­de tam­bién aven­ta­ron pe­tar­dos y bom­bas mo­lo­tov pa­ra que así em­pe­za­ra el fue­go don­de prác­ti­ca­men­te se que­mó el edi­fi­cio gu­ber­na­men­tal, ade­más de ha­cer pin­tas en el edi­fi­cio.

Mien­tras tan­to, la mar­cha con­ti­nuó por la ca­lle de Al­va­rez, has­ta lle­gar al hos­pi­tal Cris­ti­na, don­de el vier­nes 26 de sep­tiem­bre, les fue ne­ga­da la aten­ción mé­di­ca a los jó­ve­nes nor­ma­lis­tas he­ri­dos por lo que que­bra­ron los vi­drios e hi­cie­ron pin­tas al edi­fi­cio.

Con­ti­nua­rán su ca­mi­no, pa­ra lle­gar a la es­qui­na de Al­va­rez con Pe­ri­fé­ri­co, pa­ra re­cor­dar en ese lu­gar, el se­gun­do ata­que de los po­li­cías mu­ni­ci­pa­les a los es­tu­dian­tes nor­ma­lis­tas y en el que fue­ron ase­si­na­dos dos es­tu­dian­tes.

Los de­te­ni­dos

La Po­li­cía Fe­de­ral de­tu­vo a una de­ce­na de per­so­nas co­mo pre­sun­tos res­pon­sa­bles de hur­tar y rea­li­zar ac­tos de van­da­lis­mo en las ins­ta­la­cio­nes de Ga­le­rías Ta­ma­rin­dos.

Lue­go de las ma­ni­fes­ta­cio­nes ci­vi­les rea­li­za­das en la zo­na cen­tro de Igua­la, se de­tec­tó un gru­po de ván­da­los aje­nos a es­ta mo­vi­li­za­ción, quie­nes apro­ve­cha­ron el ac­to de pro­tes­ta pa­ra rea­li­zar da­ños y sa­queos en lo­ca­les co­mer­cia­les del re­fe­ri­do in­mue­ble.

Los de­te­ni­dos fue­ron iden­ti­fi­ca­dos co­mo To­más Pi­ne­da Bae­na, de 38 años; Axel Hi­la­ri Sal­ga­do Que­za­da, de 21; Je­sús Pi­ne­da Bae­na, de 19; Da­vid Ro­mán Vi­lle­gas, de 31, e Hi­la­rio Sal­ga­do Se­gu­ra, de 45; y tres más que aún no acre­di­tan su iden­ti­dad.

Dos su­je­tos del se­xo mas­cu­li­no se en­cuen­tran en las ins­ta­la­cio­nes del Hos­pi­tal Ge­ne­ral de esa ciu­dad, don­de re­ci­ben aten­ción mé­di­ca de las le­sio­nes que se cau­sa­ron a sí mis­mos du­ran­te los ac­tos de sa­queo; es­tán ba­jo el res­guar­do de la Mi­nis­te­rial.

Los de­más fue­ron pues­tos a dis­po­si­ción de la au­to­ri­dad co­rres­pon­dien­te y to­dos son iden­ti­fi­ca­dos por la par­te afec­ta­da.

“¡Vi­vos se los lle­va­ron,  vi­vos los que­re­mos!”

Y a ni­vel in­ter­na­cio­nal, la con­vo­ca­to­ria al “Día de ac­ción glo­bal por Ayot­zi­na­pa al­re­de­dor del mun­do” re­ba­só las ex­pec­ta­ti­vas de los or­ga­ni­za­do­res; re­gis­tra­ron al me­nos 100 ma­ni­fes­ta­cio­nes en el or­be, jun­to con las na­cio­na­les. Así co­mo el cie­rre por 48 ho­ras de por lo me­nos 50 plan­te­les edu­ca­ti­vos en Mé­xi­co.

“¡Vi­vos se los lle­va­ron, vi­vos los que­re­mos!” fue la con­sig­na en las ma­ni­fes­ta­cio­nes na­cio­na­les e in­ter­na­cio­na­les.

Así en Lon­dres, In­gla­te­rra, se exi­gió la pre­sen­ta­ción con vi­da de los 43 nor­ma­lis­tas de Ayot­zi­na­pa, de­te­ni­dos por la po­li­cía de Igua­la des­de el 26 de sep­tiem­bre.

Mien­tras que en Hel­sin­ki, Fin­lan­dia, fren­te a la em­ba­ja­da me­xi­ca­na se die­ron ci­ta al­gu­nas per­so­nas pa­ra unir­se a la jor­na­da “Una luz por Ayot­zi­na­pa”, y exi­gir la apa­ri­ción con vi­da de los 43 jó­ve­nes de­sa­pa­re­ci­dos por la po­li­cía de Igua­la, Gue­rre­ro.

Ima­gen si­mi­lar se dio en Nue­va Del­hi, In­dia; NY, Chi­ca­go, Phoe­nix, en EU; La Paz, Bo­li­via; Ma­drid y Bar­ce­lo­na, Mon­treal, Ca­na­dá; Ná­po­les, Ita­lia; Bue­nos Ai­res, Ar­gen­ti­na; Mu­nich, Ale­ma­nia; Vie­na, Aus­tria y Ma­na­gua, en Ni­ca­ra­gua.

Twitter @TiempoGro

Mexican Government — Tell Us the Truth — Where are the #Ayotzinapa 43?

Still ‘Nada’  until further notice ‘amigos’

Ayotzinapa: Murdered students and the Police-Army-Criminal links of the new PRI.

On October 2, 1968, Mexico’s President, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, ordered the Mexican Army to open fire on student organizers gathered in Mexico City’s Tlatelolco Plaza. The coldly calculated murder of hundreds of students was the linchpin of an operation aimed at destroying a powerful movement that was rapidly galvanizing opposition to the regime far beyond the nation’s campuses.

After the massacre, the government launched a dirty war, focused on Guerrero, hunting down those who continued to resist. They also commenced a cover-up of the massacre that lasted for decades. But Mexico’s students and democratic opposition never forgot and coined the slogan: El dos de octubre no se olvida (October 2 will never be forgotten).

This year, a horrendous echo of those long-ago events is again roiling Mexico.

On September 26, a group of first-year students at the Ayotzinapa rural teachers’ college in the southern state of Guerrero went out to raise money after their first day of classes. Their goal was to help fund contingents for travel to the 46th annual commemoration of the Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City.

The Ayotzinapa College, founded in 1926, has long been a bastion of youthful dissent in a violent and repressive state. Nevertheless, protests by unarmed students against the authorities were traditional and followed predictable rules. Students knew that the President and his party wanted to do away with their school. None could have imagined the horror to follow.

One long-standing technique of public college students in Guerrero and elsewhere around the country is the “boteo,” in which participants block a roadway to solicit semi-voluntary contributions from drivers. Another is to commandeer local buses for the students’ use. Both have the power to annoy, but never before have they been met with the kind of murderous attack that ensued that night after an unsuccessful evening of fundraising.

As three busloads of students crossed the city of Iguala around 9 p.m., they were ambushed: Uniformed men in police trucks firing automatic weapons pursued and then pinned the students down a few yards away from the avenue that would take them out of town. During this first attack, which lasted for about 90 minutes, uniformed municipal police forced 25 to 30 students off one of the buses, made them lie face down on the street, and then drove them away in police trucks. During this time, there was no visible reaction from the local Army base of the 27th Infantry Battalion, less than five miles away.

When the firing stopped and police had departed, neighbors, teachers, more students from Ayotzinapa, and a few local journalists gathered at the crime scene. Some of the students began preserving evidence of the attack, like spent gun shells and blood smears in vehicles and on the street. A spontaneous press conference began as reporters asked a student representative from the teachers’ college about what had happened. Then, just after the reporters asked the student his name, gunfire resumed. Masked men killed two more people while others fled for their lives into nearby streets and over fences.

The journalists and locals who had gathered all managed to escape, but attackers abducted 13 to 20 more students along the side streets. The following morning, around 10 a.m., one student’s dead body was found near the site of the attack. He had been brutally beaten. His killers removed his face, eyes and ears.

At the time this publication, none of the 43 “disappeared” students have been found. Many fear the worst.

What does this all mean? Among the hundreds of thousands of Mexicans pouring into the streets or protesting at Mexican consulates around the world, few doubt that it means the horrid nexus of collaboration between police, military, and criminal actors has come out into the open.


Please feel free to print out and use this this flyer or pass it around electronically.

From “Mexican Moment” to “Mexico Murder”

Mr. President i’m really sorry….

Three recent articles in United States top newspapers regarding the situation in Guerrero can be summarized in one single phrase: From “Mexican Moment” to “Mexico Murder”

The mass graves findings, the massacres of Tlatlaya and Iguala and the disappearance of the 43 students are clear evidence that Enrique Peña Nieto’s government might be in decline.

On Wednesday October 8th, The Economist posted an article entitled “Outrage, at last” regarding the killings of Tlatlaya on June and the Iguala situation that started with the killing of 6 and the dissapearance of 43 students on September 26th.
On Saturday October 18th, The New York Times published a story named “Mexico Finds Many Corpses, but Not Lost 43“, stating that Peña Nieto’s administration is passing through a major human rights crisis and loosing credibility internationally.
On Saturday October 22nd The Washington Post published an article entitlted: “Hunt for 43 students highlights Mexico’s missing, demonstrating that in his first two years in office, Peña Nieto has focused on revamping the economy and drawing foreign investors, earning praise from some economists who say he has set the stage for future growth; but he has largely overlooked the lawlessness of regions like the southern State of Guerrero.

The Economist:

It was “outrageous, painful and unacceptable”. With those words, Mexico’s President Enrique Peña Nieto echoed the feelings of the nation on October 6th after the discovery of 28 charred bodies, dug up the previous weekend in mass graves near the city of Iguala, 80 miles (125km) southwest of the capital.

Though the authorities have not yet publicly identified the corpses, Mr Peña indicated the truth of what everyone suspects: that the victims were among 43 teacher-trainees who went missing after a night of police violence in Iguala on September 26th in which six people were killed. Authorities from the state of Guerrero, Mexico’s most murder-plagued, have arrested 22 Iguala policemen in connection with the disappearances. If confirmed, it would be the worst massacre in almost two years of the president’s tenure.

But it may not be the only one. Late last month, the army arrested seven soldiers in connection with the killing in June of 22 people in Tlatlaya, a crime-ridden town 100 miles west of Mexico City. Throughout the summer the official version was that the deaths occurred during a shootout between a group of criminals and the armed forces. That only changed after the Associated Press found a witness who said the victims were shot after they had surrendered and been disarmed. The government now says it will charge at least three of the detained soldiers with murder.

Both cases are a test of the credibility of Mr Peña’s administration in enforcing human rights. So far, it is not getting high marks. “They talk the talk, they don’t walk the walk,” says Alejandro Hope, a security consultant.


Shortly after the disappearance of the students from the Ayotzinapa teacher-training college, Mr Peña put the burden of responsibility on the government of Guerrero to find them. He appeared to overlook the fact that in 2011 Guerrero security forces shot dead two politically militant students during a protest. This created a powerful mutual hatred. Only on October 6th did Mr Peña order federal forces to investigate.

Since the Tlatlaya incident, Mr Peña has continued to heap praise on the armed forces, despite what looks at best like a sluggish investigation, at worst like an attempted cover-up. “Only after the media coverage became too embarrassing to ignore did the federal authorities decide to act,” says José Miguel Vivanco of New York-based Human Rights Watch. “Mexico is facing a national human rights and security crisis that demands a far more serious response from the federal government.”

Authorities in Guerrero have linked members of the Iguala police force to a druglord who they say ordered the massacre. But it is not clear why drug traffickers would kill left-wing students whose protests are mostly against state and local political bosses. Nor is it clear why federal authorities have not previously investigated allegations that local politicians in Guerrero are mixed up in the drug trade.

Mr Peña’s administration has sought to play down Mexico’s violence and play up its economic potential. But cases like this suggest a tendency to bury its head in the ground.


The New York Times:

With borrowed shovels and pick axes, the farmers drove their battered pickup trucks to a series of suspicious clearings in the countryside, jumped out and started digging.

“Hey, hey, it’s a spine,” one of the men, part of a citizen police patrol, called out last week, fishing out what appeared to be a piece of spinal column. Soon came other fragments — a rib? a knee bone?

Five mass graves have already been discovered in the hunt for 43 students who disappeared last month after clashing with the local police — and another half dozen secret burial sites like this one are being tested to determine the origins of the remains inside.

The students were reported missing after the local police, now accused of working with a local drug gang, shot to death six people on Sept. 26. Prosecutors say they believe that officers abducted a large number of the students and then turned them over to the gang. The students have not been seen since.

President Enrique Peña Nieto has declared the search for the missing students his administration’s top priority. But if anything, the hunt is confirming that the crisis of organized crime in Mexico, where tens of thousands are already known to have been killed in the drug war in recent years, may be worse than the authorities have acknowledged.

The federal government has celebrated official statistics suggesting a decline in homicides in recent months. But the proliferation of graves here in the restive state of Guerrero — including at least 28 charred human bodies that turned out not to be the missing students — has cast new doubt over the government’s tally, potentially pointing to a large number of uncounted dead.

Relatives of the students, who were training to be teachers and planning a protest against cuts to their college, agonize over the discovery of each mass grave. Some have given up searching on their own, convinced that a mafia of criminals and politicians knows where they are but are not saying.

Mass Grave near Iguala Guerrero (Photo: NY Times)

Many still believe the lost students are alive, joining the distressed fraternity of relatives of the thousands still missing from the drug war in Mexico. Such cases are rarely solved.

Hours before the latest possible graves were found, María Oliveras, the mother of Antonio Santana, one of the missing students, lit a candle and prayed at the campus where she and other relatives are holding a constant vigil.

“I just want to know how he is, where he is and what he is doing,” she said. “When they find remains, I don’t want to believe it is him. You have to believe he is alive and for some reason they haven’t turned him over.”

In his first two years in office, Mr. Peña Nieto has focused on revamping the economy and drawing foreign investors, earning praise from some economists who say he has set the stage for future growth.

Martín Bello looked for graves near Iguala, Mexico. Credit Janet Jarman for The New York Times

But critics argue that in the process, Mr. Peña Nieto has largely overlooked the lawlessness of towns like this one, 120 miles south of Mexico City, the evidence of which lies literally just under their surface.

“Impunity is the main motivation for these numerous disappearances,” said Alejandro Hope, a former Mexican intelligence official. “We must remember that only one in every five murder cases is solved in Mexico, whereas in the U.S. it’s two out of three cases. This is due to impunity, weak institutions and a decentralized search and localization process.”

Members of the farmer brigades searching for the students — calling themselves “community police” who have stepped into the vacuum of authority in southern Mexico — said they were acting on a rash of tips from residents who do not trust any of the professional police.

Leaning on a shovel, Miguel Ángel Jiménez, a leader of the community police, said he doubted the students could have been buried in this spot because the growth of weeds over it looked thicker than a few weeks would produce.

“But even if it is not them, we can’t let these graves go unsolved,” he said, bringing a halt to the digging. “Once we find some bones, we stop and let the forensic investigators come in.”

It will take a couple of weeks for the authorities to test all of the new remains discovered in recent days. Prosecutors have confirmed that the corpses and remains in at least five mass graves uncovered so far are human, but they have not yet tied them to any of the students.

On Friday, acting again on tips from residents, the farmer brigades searched a hilly trail, looking for caves in which residents believe bodies were left. Along the way, they found what appeared to be a safe house for a gang, littered with bottles, old clothes, candles and a portrait of Jesús Malverde, a gang icon.

Later, a local guide working with them got a threatening telephone call as he headed down the trail from the cave.

At Escuela Normal Rural Raúl Isidro Burgos, Eleucadio Ortega and other parents awaited word about their missing children. (Photo: Janet Jarman for The New York Times)

At Escuela Normal Rural Raúl Isidro Burgos, Eleucadio Ortega and other parents awaited word about their missing children. Credit Janet Jarman for The New York Times
“Stop going up there,” the voice said over and over before hanging up, the man said.

The school the students attended, the Escuela Normal Rural Raúl Isidro Burgos, is a teacher college with radical roots, steeped in revolutionary ferment and slogans.

Now parents and other family members of the missing bide their time there, sipping coffee, chatting in clusters and sleeping on mattresses stuffed into classrooms and other spare space.

The students had been organizing an Oct. 2 protest against cuts to their state-financed school, but they appear to have gotten into a skirmish with the police when they tried to steal buses to travel to and from the demonstration, human rights groups said.

“Sometimes I can’t just sit and think,” said the mother of one student at the school, declining to give her name out of fear. She clutched a piece of paper with a prayer for “the Protection of the Precious Blood of Our Lord Jesus Christ” written on it.

Her husband scoffed at what he considered a big charade on the part of the authorities. “We can’t search; we don’t know the terrain,” he said with anger. “But they already know where they are. Just bring him to us.”

Eleucadio Ortega, another father, said his gut tightened with each report of a grave being found. In the days after his son, Mauricio Ortega, went missing, he searched parts of Iguala with other parents. But they found the effort futile and believe that only informants in the criminal world can provide real leads.

He wonders if somehow the students got mistaken for any number of groups in conflict in the state, including a range of guerrilla groups and gangs. But, he said, his son was simply a peasant farmer who wanted to be a teacher to get ahead.

“Somebody knows what happened to him and the others,” he said. “Somebody needs to bring them back.”


The Washington Post

Long before 43 teachers college students disappeared in an attack by police, Maria Guadalupe Orozco’s son went missing in the same southern Mexico city of Iguala.

Orozco says Mexican soldiers took Francis Garcia Orozco as he was ferrying equipment between a nightclub and the fairgrounds for a festival, an assertion based on witnesses and grainy security camera footage that day in March 2010. The military denied it.

Now she wonders if he’s among the 28 bodies found in five burial pits at a clandestine mass grave uncovered during the all-out search mounted by authorities for the missing students. Officials say none of college students was among the remains recovered, so rather than solve an extraordinary crime that has captured international attention, a mass forced disappearance by the state, the discovery of the bodies has added layers of horror to a situation already difficult to fathom.

Maria Guadalupe Orozco

Instead of finding the 43, authorities are asking “Who are the 28?” Guerrero has long been a stronghold for both leftist guerrillas and drug traffickers, so the dead could be both. Or neither.

Given Mexico’s record on identifying the missing, Orozco may never know if her son is among them.

“It’s like reliving those days of anxiety, desperation, of wishing and asking God for the telephone to ring,” Orozco said of the grisly find. “If anyone knocks on the door at any minute, you think, ‘He’s here now.’”

The government of President Enrique Pena Nieto took office two years ago saying it would make a verifiable list of the missing in Mexico, and released a searchable database of 22,322 people in August. Government officials, who say at every turn that violence has dropped dramatically on their watch, put little attention on the fact that 9,790 of those people — more than 40 percent — have gone missing since Pena Nieto took office.

The rest were from the previous six years under former President Felipe Calderon, when disappearances began to spike with his attack on organized crime.

The list does not include the 43 students of the radical Rural Normal School of Ayotzinapa. The government says it still does not know what happened to the young people after they were rounded up by local police in Iguala and allegedly handed over to gunmen from a drug cartel Sept. 26, even though authorities have arrested 50 people allegedly involved. They include police officers and alleged members of the Guerreros Unidos cartel.

While the state is getting all the attention, an analysis of the government numbers by the newspaper Reforma doesn’t even put Guerrero among the top six states with the most disappeared. Tamaulipas, where 72 migrants were slaughtered in 2010 and hundreds more found in mass graves the following year, was No. 1. Jalisco, home to Guadalajara and warring drug cartels was No. 2. Some 67 people were found in mass graves there just last Christmas.

Mass graves are regularly found around the country — 11 bodies in August in Michoacan state, 19 others in Iguala just last May.

Figuring out who they are is the government’s challenge, and progress is slow despite the creation of a special unit of the Attorney General’s Office in May 2013 to find the missing. Mexico has had no national database to match characteristics of missing to unidentified dead, and is in the process of building one from scratch. Although the government finally has a list of the missing, there is no official number of unidentified bodies, according to the Attorney General’s Office.

The Attorney General’s Office won’t release results of the team’s work so far. But a Human Rights Watch statement earlier this month criticized the government’s handling of the missing, saying the team has reviewed only 450 cases and located 86 people, of which 57 were alive and 29 dead.

The rights group also questioned why the federal government cut its proposed 2015 allocation to the unit by more than 60 percent.

“What I always say is that nothing we could do is enough,” said the federal assistant prosecutor for human rights, Eliana Garcia, adding that she expects the missing database to be accessible nationwide by 2016. “They’re right to be angry; they’re right to be frustrated. I’m frustrated.”

Only six of 32 states so far have the International Red Cross software designed to match missing persons with unidentified bodies, a program that asks not only DNA and fingerprints but characteristic and habits of the person who disappeared.

In Mexico City, where there are more workers available to build a database, officials of the Institute for Forensic Science have 13,000 unidentified bodies going back to 1980, and it took a month to upload 20 of them into the database.

The institute only started collecting DNA samples on all unidentified corpses this year. The data searches are still done by hand.

“We get a thousand requests a year from all over the country asking us to look in our archives,” said Maria Antonieta Castillo, head of identification services. “We’ve only given about three positive identifications.”

Attorney General Jesus Murillo Karam announced the formation of his agency’s identification unit three weeks after relatives of young people who had gone missing staged a hunger strike in May 2013.

Erika Montes de Oca, one of those protesters, said the case of her nephew was one of the first solved by the attorney general’s team. Sergio Guillen Eduardo Montes de Oca, 27, disappeared from a bar where he worked in the center of Mexico City in November 2012.

“It says one thing: When you seek, you find. He had been in a mass grave for eight months,” Montes de Oca said.

Now she works for the team helping other families.

“In one year, I’ve found two girls, one dead and one alive. For me that’s success,” she said. “We’re trying.”

But it doesn’t seem so in Iguala, where Felix Pita’s 17-year-old son, Lenin Vladimir, disappeared with Garcia more than four years ago, and where 43 more desperate families are now demanding to know what happened to their missing.

“We’re going to keep protesting until there are positive results,” said Pita. “If we don’t, they will disappear all of us.”


The Economist
The New York Times
The Washington Post

#GUERRERO: La sorpresa que viene.

¿A ver que sorpresa me tienen canijos?

Por Manuel Baeza.

Si un clavo saca otro clavo, un escándalo mata a otro escándalo. No es algo nuevo. Se sabe desde tiempos lejanos y se practica con absoluta frialdad cuando es necesario.

Acallar el conflicto de los normalistas de Ayotzinapa costará trabajo, pero para ello están trabajando los políticos. No puedo imaginar cuál será el as bajo la manga, el clavo que sacar el ardiente metal de los estudiantes de Guerrero. Pero va a aparecer y pronto.

Hay quienes dicen que los mandamases de la política están ajustando las tuercas y que en cuanto puedan sacarán a un culpable (o varios, si se diera el caso) que cargue con todo el peso de la desaparición de los estudiantes de Guerrero. Luego, como parte de la jugada, retirarán el apoyo al gobernador Ángel Aguirre y éste tendrá que dejar el cargo muy a su pesar.

Pero justo cuando eso ocurra, los genios de la lámpara política soltarán otro tema ante la opinión pública para desviar la mirada de los ciudadanos. ¿Caerá por fin La Tuta? ¿Acusarán a algún personaje público de algún delito grave? ¿Encontrarán los restos de un emperador azteca?

Recuerdo claramente que Tomás Eloy, en su novela El vuelo de la reina, narra que en medio de una crisis nacional en un país ficticio muy parecido a Argentina, el presidente anuncia que Dios se le apareció y habló con él, lo que causa un gran revuelo. Por supuesto que el mandatario se encierra por días en un monasterio para reflexionar sobre su conversación con el ser divino. ¿Y la crisis? Asunto olvidado.

¿Cuál será la sorpresa que viene?

Twitter: @baezamanuel

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Actores se unieron a la Marcha una luz por #Ayotzinapa

Convocados por el actor Daniel Giménez Cacho, algunos actores de la comunidad cinematográfica reunidas en esta ciudad, quienes participan en el Festival Internacional de Cine de Morelia, hicieron eco de la Marcha una luz para Ayotzinapa y frente al teatro Rubén Romero encendieron 43 veladoras “para recodar al gobierno que tiene que traernos con vida a los 43 estudiantes de la Normal de Ayotzinapa”, dijo Giménez Cacho.

A continuación la actriz Verónica Lánger leyó el poema de Efraín Huerta: ¡Mi país, oh mi país!, que en sus estrofas dice: “…País mío, nuestro, de todos y de nadie/ Adoro tu miseria de templo demolido/ y la montaña de templo que te mata./Veo correr noches, morir los días agonizar las tardes./ Morirse todo de terror y de angustia/ Porque ha vuelto a correr la sangre de los buenos…”

Al término de la lectura del poema, Giménez Cacho volvió a tomar la palabra para mencionar y dijo: “Este poema lo escribió Efraín Huerta, nos hace pensar cómo por décadas venimos arrastrando este problema”.

Después leyó el pronunciamiento de El Grito Más Fuerte: “Han pasado casi un mes desde los asesinatos y desaparecidos en el municipio de Iguala y aún se desconoce el paradero de los 43 estudiantes normalistas. Lo que sí ha aparecido son innumerables fosas clandestinas llenas de cadáveres sin identificar. Nos hemos enterado por diferentes organizaciones de derechos humanos de la región y de familiares de las víctimas, de las graves violaciones a los derechos humanos que se han cometido por parte del estado mexicano en sus diferentes niveles de gobierno, entre ellas: las ejecuciones extrajudiciales, la desaparición forzada y la ausencia de un protocolo efectivo de búsqueda de personas desaparecidas”.

En su pronunciamiento Giménez Cacho también dio algunas cifras como que en el estado de Guerrero, en los dos recientes años, han desaparecido 4 mil 397 personas, dos estudiantes de la misma Normal Rural fueron acribillados en 2011 y otros 20 torturados por parte de la policía ministerial de ese estado.

El pronunciamiento del actor de Arráncame la vida, incluyó: “Desde la sociedad civil reiteramos toda nuestra solidaridad con los familiares de los desaparecidos, los fallecidos y los jóvenes de la Escuela Normal Rural “Raúl Isidro Burgos”, de Ayotzinapa. Entendemos su rabia y su dolor, pero también hacemos un llamado para que en medio de esta tragedia no permitamos que la violencia nos termine por devorar a todos, es necesario encontrar los caminos que nos lleven a la recuperación del entendimiento, la reparación del daño y la aplicación de la justicia. Es necesario que en medio del dolor logremos contener el caos destructivo que solo beneficia al crimen organizado y a las autoridades cómplices”.

Posteriormente Tenoch Huerta y la actriz Sofía Espinosa leyeron el comunicado de la Sociedad de Alumnos Ricardo Flores Magón, de la Escuela Rural de Ayotzinapa, Guerrero.

Finalmente, Huerta lanzó un espontáneo discurso: México se está convirtiendo en Saturno, que está devorando a sus hijos. La Ley natural de la vida dice que trascendemos a través de los genes, de nuestros hijos, que nuestra sangre se perpetúa. Nuestras enseñanzas, nuestros corazones, nuestros rostros… Es un error garrafal y la más grande estupidez que como Saturno estemos devorando a nuestros hijos. No importa como piensen, no importa qué hagan, el derecho a la vida debe ser respetado. El derecho a la vida es el más sagrado de todos. Esos estudiantes pensaron diferente, lucharon por algo, no importa qué. No tenían derecho a arrancarles la vida. No tenían derecho a desmembrar familias. No tenían derecho a desmembrar este país. Vivimos en un error”.

Por Jorge Caballero.


Annabelle llega hoy en #Acapulco.

Foto: Anabelle llega a Acapulco

Annabelle, la película que narra la historia de una muñeca poseída que atormenta a una familia, se estrenará hoy en Acapulco y tras recaudar millones de dólares en Estados Unidos y otros países, y luego de ser suspendida en Francia.

Este filme realizado por la empresa Warner Brothers tuvo un presupuesto de solo 6.7 millones de dólares, más los gastos de comercialización y distribución.

En Estados Unidos, Anabelle reunió 37 millones de dólares en su primer fin de semana, rivalizando con el estreno de la película ‘Gone Girl’, que recaudó 38 mdd.

En ese país, Annabelle ha superado a otros películas del género de terror como ‘Frankenstein I’, que sólo recaudó 20 millones de dólares en su estreno, y ‘Libranos del mal’ que sólo reunió 30 millones de dólares.

Annabelle, basada en la historia real de una muñeca poseída que fue encontrada por los investigadores paranormales Ed y Lorraine Warren, ha reunido hasta el 20 de octubre un total de 166 millones de dólares a nivel mundial.

Esto la coloca entre las películas más rentables que ha lanzado Warner Brothers este año, junto con ‘Lego’ que reunió 468 mdd a nivel mundial.

Sin embargo, Annabelle aún está por debajo de ‘Actividad Paranormal’ que se filmó con un presupuesto de 15,000 dólares y reunió 193 millones de dólares en taquillas a nivel mundial en 2009.

En Francia, la película ya ha sido retirada de algunas salas de cines, debido a que durante su proyección algunos adolescentes destruyeron las butacas y lanzaron palomitas.

Con información de The Washington Post, y

El arribo de turistas por aire al Puerto de #Acapulco sigue siendo débil.

El arribo de turistas a Acapulco es débil. Foto Archivo Excélsior
El arribo de turistas a Acapulco es débil.

Tiempo Gro.

Acapulco, la próxima sede del Tianguis Turístico de México 2015, no ha logrado aumentar su volumen de pasajeros nacionales e internacionales.

Entre enero y septiembre, la terminal aérea tuvo un moderado arribo de turistas respecto al de igual periodo de 2013.

Según los datos emitidos por el Grupo Aeroportuario del Centro Norte (OMA) en el lapso referido, la terminal recibió 465 mil 415 pasajeros mientras que en enero-septiembre de 2013 fueron 465 mil 299 visitantes.

Además, durante el segundo trimestre del año el puerto perdió dos vuelos nacionales, uno que era operado por Aeroméxico desde el Aeropuerto Internacional de Toluca y otro de Transportes Aéreos Regionales (TAR).

Durante el año, Acapulco sólo tuvo un vuelo internacional operado por United Airlines, mientras que Cancún recibe, al menos, 50 aerolíneas regulares y charter.

Javier Aluni, secretario de Turismo de Guerrero, señaló en entrevista previa que asegurar la llegada de los participantes a la edición 40 del Tianguis Turístico es responsabilidad del Consejo de Promoción Turística de México (CPTM).

Dijo que el destino cuenta actualmente con conectividad vía Houston, que puede ser un punto de conexión, o mediante la Ciudad de México.

Por el momento, Acapulco cuenta con conexión desde el DF con vuelos de Aeromar, Aeroméxico e Interjet, esta última oferta asientos también desde Toluca.

Viva Aerobus opera desde Monterrey, Volaris desde Tijuana y TAR desde Querétaro y Guadalajara.

Nuevas inversiones

A pesar de los altibajos en el volumen de pasajeros OMA tiene planeado invertir más de 350 millones de pesos para la construcción de una nueva terminal en el aeropuerto con el objetivo de que “se convierta en un elemento de apoyo en la promoción del destino”.

Twitter @TiempoGro

#Guerrero lidera homicidios dolosos por tasa de habitantes.

Guerrero es el estado con más homicidios dolosos por habitantes en lo que va de 2014 (Especial).
Guerrero es el estado con más homicidios dolosos por habitantes en lo que va de 2014 (Especial).

Tiempo de Guerrero.

Tras la desaparición de 43 estudiantes normalistas en el municipio de Iguala, en las últimas semanas las preocupaciones por la seguridad pública en México se han enfocado en el estado de Guerrero.

En lo que va del año, Guerrero es el estado con más homicidios dolosos por habitante y el segundo con mayor cantidad de denuncias por este delito en términos absolutos, según la más reciente actualización de cifras de delitos de alto impacto del Sistema Nacional de Seguridad Pública (SNSP).

Homicidios dolosos

Entre enero y septiembre de 2014, Guerrero registró 1,150 casos de homicidio doloso, para una tasa de 32.42 casos por cada 100,000 habitantes, más de tres veces el promedio nacional (que se ubica en 9.89 homicidios dolosos por cada 100,000 habitantes).

En términos absolutos, los estados con más homicidios dolosos en este periodo son el Estado de México (con 1,487 casos), Guerrero (1,150), Chihuahua (828), Michoacán (761) y Sinaloa (747).

A nivel nacional se registraron 11,835 casos de homicidio doloso en este lapso.

Twitter @TiempoGro

#Guerrero Este es un buen miércoles para marcharse, gobernador Aguirre.

Embedded image permalink
AFERRADONSE AL PODER: Aguirre el dia de hoy en Acapulco, donde se esconde y despacha  estos dias, con algunos de los familiares de las víctimas del caso #Iguala. Mientras en Iguala el palacio de gobierno era incendiado por normalistas.

Las señales son cada día más claras:

* El PRI le pide que se vaya.

* El PAN le pide que se vaya.

* El PRD ya no piensa pelear por él. Ni siquiera Los Chuchos, por más amenazados que estén con la difusión de documentos que probarían arreglos delicados.

* El Presidente de la República no quiere saber nada del gobernador omiso que rompió el segundo Mexico’s Moment y sembró de nuevo la imagen de un país brutal y descontrolado.

* El gobierno federal opina, cada vez con menos reserva, que mientras él se mantenga en el cargo, una red de complicidades y miedos fundados impedirá que se resuelva con la velocidad que se requiere el drama de los normalistas desaparecidos.

* En el Congreso de Guerrero ya no cuenta con votos ni voluntades para defenderse.

* Los empresarios locales sacan la bandera blanca y piden paz. Paz que, por lo visto, por lo pronto, solo será posible sin él.

* Entre los amigos que le quedan, más de uno le sugiere que se vaya antes de que se haga más tarde: ahora tiene un exhorto del que colgarse para pedir licencia; luego podrían venir el juicio político, la acción penal.

* Las encuestas de la tercera semana marcan una cifra creciente de guerrerenses que piden que se marche.

Ángel Aguirre carece de poder para proponer negociaciones. Prácticamente, nadie lo respalda. Unos meses más en el gobierno no le cambiarán la suerte.

Este miércoles es un buen día para decir adiós y comenzar a preparar la defensa. Porque, dentro y fuera de México, la noche de Iguala lo perseguirá por el resto de sus días.


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